考研英語：閱讀的“讀”與“不讀”

• 2026考研英語全程班 6班
• 26考研全科上岸規(guī)劃營「擇校▪規(guī)劃▪備考」
• 2026考研專業(yè)課復(fù)習(xí)資料「真題▪筆記▪講義▪題庫」

很多同學(xué)認(rèn)為只要能夠掌握詞匯，語法就能看懂文章，再加上對(duì)于題目的正確理解，解題方法的掌握，拿下閱讀自然不在話下。其實(shí)如此看是很片面的。

從宏觀上來看，要“得”閱讀，首先要能看懂文章，其次要能做對(duì)題目。就看懂文章來說，單詞認(rèn)識(shí)了，語法學(xué)會(huì)了，只意味著能看懂長難句了。而一篇文章，絕不僅僅是句子的疊加。更何況，我們很少有同學(xué)真的能夠看懂文章中的每一句話。事實(shí)上，對(duì)于做對(duì)題目來說，也不需要百分百把握文章中的每一個(gè)信息。在一篇400字左右的文章中，一定有些內(nèi)容是重要的，是對(duì)于做對(duì)題目十分關(guān)鍵的，有些內(nèi)容是不重要的，與答題無關(guān)，或者關(guān)聯(lián)不大。這是必然的。

那么我們?cè)撊绾未_定哪些內(nèi)容是重要的，哪些是不重要的呢?這些判斷有什么樣的依據(jù)呢?從操作層面上來說，我們?cè)撊绾尾僮髂?老師就考研閱讀中讀什么，不讀什么給大家進(jìn)行簡明的講解。

理論基礎(chǔ)

考研閱讀的真題都來自于諸如 The Economists, Scientific American, New York Times, The Gardian 等西方主流的報(bào)刊雜志。這些雜志上刊登的文章通常是關(guān)于社會(huì)生活，政治經(jīng)濟(jì)、科教文衛(wèi)方面的比較科學(xué)，嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)?shù)奈恼隆６�文章的體裁通常以議論文居多。一篇議論文通常是有論點(diǎn)和論據(jù)構(gòu)成的。論點(diǎn)是作者想要論述的觀點(diǎn)，論據(jù)是為了證明所提出的觀點(diǎn)的。

一篇文章中，哪些是論點(diǎn)，哪些是論據(jù)，我們必須要有清晰的認(rèn)識(shí)。從重要性上來說，論點(diǎn)的的重要性遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)大于論據(jù)。所以對(duì)于我們讀文章來說，顯然論點(diǎn)是重要的的，需要重點(diǎn)讀的，而論據(jù)是次要的，可以略讀或者不讀的。

操作方式

那么，如何去判斷哪些是論點(diǎn)，哪些是論據(jù)呢?從位置上來說，文章論點(diǎn)常常的文章開頭的第一或第二段提出，段落論點(diǎn)常常的段首句或轉(zhuǎn)折句，極個(gè)別的情況下出現(xiàn)在段尾句。從句子長度來說通常論點(diǎn)的句子比較簡短。論據(jù)常常是一些舉例或者引用的東西，往往還有一些時(shí)間，數(shù)據(jù)，人名，地名，機(jī)構(gòu)名詞之類特別具體的信息。

更具體的來說，文章中需要重點(diǎn)精讀的內(nèi)容為：段首句，轉(zhuǎn)折句，根據(jù)題干定位的句子。

可以略讀或者不讀的內(nèi)容包括：

有關(guān)職務(wù)、頭銜、社會(huì)地位等補(bǔ)充性說明;通常這些信息是出現(xiàn)在人名，機(jī)構(gòu)名詞之后的定語或同位語。

兩個(gè)逗號(hào)之間或兩個(gè)破折號(hào)之間的插入語;

句中破折號(hào)、冒號(hào)后面的旁支信息;

復(fù)雜的難句中除了主、謂、賓以外的其他輔助信息;(除非與解題有關(guān))

出現(xiàn)for example/instance, 大寫字母、數(shù)字等信息的內(nèi)容

對(duì)名人言論的引用的具體內(nèi)容

實(shí)例分析

以1997年閱讀理解第三篇文章為例，我們把可以略讀的內(nèi)容用下劃線標(biāo)示出來，那么結(jié)果如下：

Much of the language used to describe monetary policy, such as “steering the economy to a soft landing” or “a touch on the brakes,” makes it sound like a precise science. Nothing could be further from the truth. The link between interest rates and inflation is uncertain. And there are long, variable lags before policy changes have any effect on the economy. Hence the analogy that likens the conduct of monetary policy to driving a car with a blackened windscreen, a cracked rear-view mirror and a faulty steering wheel.
Given all these disadvantages, central bankers seem to have had much to boast about of late. Average inflation in the big seven industrial economies fell to a mere 2.3% last year, close to its lowest level in 30 years, before rising slightly to 2.5% this July. This is a long way below the double-digit rates which many countries experienced in the 1970s and early 1980s.

It is also less than most forecasters had predicted. In late 1994 the panel of economists which The Economist polls each month said that America’s inflation rate would average 3.5% in 1995. In fact, it fell to 2.6% in August, and is expected to average only about 3% for the year as a whole. In Britain and Japan inflation is running half a percentage point below the rate predicted at the end of last year. This is no flash in the pan; over the past couple of years, inflation has been consistently lower than expected in Britain and America.

Economists have been particularly surprised by favorable inflation figures in Britain and the United States, since conventional measures suggest that both economies, and especially America’s, have little productive slack. America’s capacity utilization, for example, hit historically high levels earlier this year, and its jobless rate (5.6% in August) has fallen below most estimates of the natural rate of unemployment -- the rate below which inflation has taken off in the past.

Why has inflation proved so mild? The most thrilling explanation is, unfortunately, a little defective. Some economists argue that powerful structural changes in the world have up-ended the old economic models that were based upon the historical link between growth and inflation.

這樣，我們的閱讀量就大大減少了，而且根據(jù)這些剩余的內(nèi)容，文章后面的題目，出來極個(gè)別的細(xì)節(jié)題，基本答案都可以毫不費(fèi)力的做出來了，同學(xué)們不妨一試。